Harry Sawyer, election supervisor in Key West, was stunned when Florida officials sent him a list of 150 convicted felons to cut from county voter rolls in mid-1999.

Among those named: an election employee, another worker's husband--and Sawyer's own father. None was a felon. "It was just a mess," Sawyer said.

More mess was to come. Indeed, a little-known program aimed at curbing voter fraud in Florida was so badly designed and run that it wrongly targeted thousands of legitimate voters during the 2000 presidential election.

Even worse, state officials in Tallahassee ignored clear warnings about the mounting mistakes and actually loosened criteria for matching voters' names with those of felons, putting more innocent people at risk of losing their right to vote.

The so-called felon purge drew little attention during the bitter 36-day recount battle between Texas Gov. George W. Bush and Vice President Al Gore last fall. But a review by The Times of thousands of pages of records, reports and e-mail messages suggests the botched effort to stop felons from voting could have affected the ultimate outcome.

The reason: Those on the list were disproportionately African American. Blacks made up 66% of those named as felons in Miami-Dade, the state's largest county, for example, and 54% in Hillsborough County, which includes Tampa.

Those individuals' politics are unknown, but African Americans voted more than 9 to 1 for Gore across the state. And Bush ultimately won Florida by only 537 votes of nearly 6 million cast.

No evidence has emerged to indicate that anyone illegally conspired to keep African Americans from voting in November. Gov. Jeb Bush, the president's brother, has denied that state officials tried to disenfranchise anyone.

But many Democrats, especially minorities, charge that the felon purge is proof enough.

"I don't feel like it was an honest mistake," said Sandylynn Williams, a Black Tampa resident and Gore supporter who wasn't allowed to vote because she was wrongly identified as a felon. "I felt like they knew most of the minorities was going to vote against Bush."

Williams, 34, said she had voted in every election since she was 18 and had passed a government background check for a job with a military contractor. County officials finally restored her right to vote 10 days after the election.

"They sent me a letter of apology," she said. "That meant nothing to me. I felt like I was cheated."

The felon lists were compiled by Database Technologies Inc. (DBT), now part of ChoicePoint Inc., an Atlanta-based company. In 1998, DBT won a $4-million contract from the Florida secretary of state's office to cross-check the 8.6 million names registered to vote in the state with law enforcement and other records.

Over the next two years, DBT built a database that was used to identify--and all too often misidentify--about 100,000 felons and dead people still registered to vote.

DBT officials blame state officials for casting too wide a net in their search for illegal voters. "It defied logic," company spokesman James Lee said.

No one knows how many legitimate voters were on that database or were stopped from voting. Some county elections officials were so outraged at the errors that they simply tossed out the lists. Some tried to correct them. And some knew they were faulty but used them anyway.

"We removed a lot of people from the rolls when I know this was not a truly accurate list," said David Leahy, the Miami-Dade election supervisor.

"I don't doubt at all that there were many names of individuals removed statewide that were incorrect," said Pam Iorio, the Hillsborough election supervisor. "Some of those people may not even know to this day that they have been taken off the rolls."

Florida is one of 12 states that bar felons from voting unless they apply for and win clemency from a state board, an arduous and expensive process. Most states, including California, automatically restore a felon's right to vote after completion of the sentence.