In a federal indictment released this week, prosecutors described how Bromwell and his legislative aides asked some of the most prominent figures in Annapolis to intervene on behalf of a mechanical contracting company, Poole and Kent.
Barbara A. Hoffman, then-chairwoman of the Budget and Taxation Committee, and the office of Comptroller William Donald Schaefer to help resolve a dispute over cost overruns on a state project.
No one has suggested there is anything wrong in such constituent service by state entities; it is Bromwell who allegedly broke the law by taking bribes from the company in exchange for his efforts.
But if the case goes to trial, Hoffman and representatives of the comptroller's office would likely be asked to testify. They and other politicians, lobbyists and state government leaders would talk about the inner workings of Annapolis - about how a phone call between friends can secure a meeting, kill an amendment or sway an agency's decision.
The backdrop of a trial would be a Byzantine world of lobbyists and lawmakers that has been repeatedly investigated by intrepid prosecutors over decades.
The list of Maryland political figures accused of using their office for personal gain includes former Vice President Spiro T. Agnew; former Gov. Marvin Mandel; and former Sen. Larry Young and former Del. Tony E. Fulton, both of Baltimore. Agnew was a Republican, the rest Democrats.
During Fulton's trial five years ago - he stood accused of introducing bogus legislation so a lobbyist friend could collect fees by fighting it - a federal judge encapsulated his perception of Annapolis by saying a "culture of corruption" pervaded the town.
The phrase resonated widely and continues to be used today.
"Marylanders view State Circle with great skepticism," said D. Bruce Poole, a former delegate and ethics committee member who helped draft Maryland's ethics laws. "The reason the notion of 'culture of corruption' stuck is because it reinforced what most Marylanders view.
"As someone who sat in the legislature, and was on the ethics commission and is now on the outside, I will tell you that generally State Circle runs a clean shop," Poole said. "But there have been and are people who operate in a climate of corruption, and it tends to be when they do, they do it big time."
Influence peddlingThe 30-count Bromwell indictment includes allegations that Poole and Kent paid the senator $80,000 a year - in the form of a bogus salary to his wife, who was running a shell company set up to receive state contracts for women-owned firms - to remain in office and help Poole and Kent on state jobs.
Bromwell had considered resigning in 2000 to become head of the state Injured Workers Insurance Fund, a quasi-public agency. He delayed his resignation until 2002 and took the insurance position that year.
Part of Bromwell's influence peddling, according to the indictment, included reaching out to other state officials to help Poole and Kent.
Prosecutors say Bromwell asked Hoffman, the budget committee chairwoman, to convene a meeting with state General Services officials to settle a dispute over cost overruns at the Juvenile Justice Center in Baltimore. Poole and Kent was the contractor and wanted to be paid.
Hoffman, who appeared before the grand jury last month, acknowledged that Bromwell asked for the meeting but said she did not find the request to be out of the ordinary.
"It was a matter of routine," she said this week. "It is not unusual to have a meeting where you bring parties together and say 'Can you work it out?'"
Prosecutors also accuse Bromwell, a former chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, of exerting influence by contacting the comptroller's office and asking that a $2.96 million payment be "expedited" to Poole and Kent.